cedatopic
Friday, June 02, 2006
  On Lists and Areas
Although this may contradict Ede's call to the committee (and I hate to disagree with Ede), I'd like to make another call for the committee to work on a plenary powers or other "areas" resolution, in part based on Paul's comments below and in part based on what I have heard over the past two days. I apologize in advance for the length - I had not a lot of time to edit.

First, Paul is correct when he states that the Court almost never directly states that X case is overruled. It overrules its precedents by announcing new rules that displace the old ones. As an example -- in Lawrence, the Supreme Court announces that there is a privacy interest in adult, consensual, private sexual conduct, thereby overruling Bowers. The Supreme Court chose to overrule Bowers in that way, but it could have done so in an infinite number of ways -- by announcing a completely new test for fundamental rights, by ruling on the basis of equal protection (which O'Connor did in her concurrence), by ruling on the basis of the first amendment right to expressive association (which many law review scholars advocated), by ruling on the basis of the privileges and immunities clause (which an amicus brief advocated), by ruling that the regulation of sexuality is outside the state's police powers (which the CATO institute advocated), etc. I think this is what the various members of the topic committee understand when they say the topic will be "too big." Each precedent may be overruled in a tremendously large number of ways.

Because of this, I see this year headed in a dangerous direction if the resolution simply requires the Aff to overrule a case --there are very, very, very few advocates there are for the simple overruling of Supreme Court precedent without advocating a new rule to displace the old (very, very, very few - pretty much just conservative crackpots discussing the need to "overrule Roe"). Once the community realizes this, I foresee Affirmatives that do a huge, wide range of things in very disparate areas of the law (examples -- if Glucksberg or Casey is included -- plan: rule that gays have a fundamental right to marry/kids have a right to education/etc., thereby overruling the test used in Glucksberg and Casey holding that fundamental rights must be deeply rooted in the concept of ordered liberty). Affirmatives will overrule the cases on your "list" resolutions by doing virtually anything that they want.

You are listing cases that come from a huge range of areas of the law -- your smallest resolution includes these:
Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992)
Ex parte Quirin (1942)
U.S. v. Morrison (2000)
Milliken v. Bradley (1974)
Gratz v. Bollinger (2003)

Casey involves substantive due process - the test for what constitutes a fundamental right. This means one could overrule Casey by doing ALMOST ANYTHING that announces a new fundamental right by displacing the Casey test.

Ex parte Quirin involves the war powers of the president - one could overrule Quirin by limiting the war powers of the president or by announcing a new test for the judicial evaluation of those powers (displacing that announced in Quirin) or by announcing that questions concerning the president's war powers are now to be considered "political questions" from which the court will now abstain, etc.

Morrison involves both Congress's commerce power and its enforcement powers under section 5 of the 14th amendment. Since Congress has not passed the VAWA again, the Court could only overrule Morrison by announcing new tests for the evaluation of the scope of Congress's commerce power or its section 5 authority. In other words, the Court could "overrule" Morrison by announcing almost any piece of Congressional legislation constitutional under the 14th amendment or the interstate commerce clause. This is particularly dangerous since the Negative will need to be prepared to debate both "Court affirms legislation" and "Court strikes down legislation" Affs.

Milliken involves the authority of courts to order injunctive relief. Yes, the case involved a desegregation order, but you won't find authors advocating that the Supreme Court overrule Milliken by approving the plan that was ordered in effect in Detroit because no such plan exists today to approve - what you will find are any number of authors who advocate enlarging the authority of the courts to order various remedies, thereby overruling the central holding of Milliken that the plan in effect was impermissible. There are also, of course, the racial aspects of Milliken, which held that busing remedies could extend across district lines only where there was actual evidence that multiple districts had deliberately engaged in a policy of segregation. Well, you could overrule Milliken by holding that there was, in fact, evidence of intentional segregation in Detroit (thereby overruling the main factual holding of the case, but leaving the legal rule the same).

Finally, Gratz involves the evaluation of an affirmative action plan under the equal protection clause. This is another hugely bidirectional case -- you could overrule Gratz by holding that diversity is not a compelling state interest OR by holding that affirmative action plans should not be subject to strict scrutiny because they remedy racial discrimination. There are solvency advocates for doing so in a variety of ways.

I hope I have given you a sense of how huge the topic could get. I think the community seriously needs to consider the scope of the resolution and needs to consider putting some limited "areas" resolutions on the ballot.

I'll advocate here for plenary powers since I genuinely think it would be a much more limited topic than the "lists" resolutions presently under consideration. I also will explain why I think it is wholly faithful to the "Supreme Court overrule" topic the community elected.

As I have previously stated, the plenary power doctrine is wholly the creation of the Supreme Court. For the court to rule that the powers of the Executive or Congress are not plenary IS an overruling of court precedent. Thus, the committee could easily draft a plenary powers resolution that is faithful to the community's election of a "Sup Ct overrule" topic but that does not include the actual word "overrule."

I still say the best resolution for a plenary powers topic -- one that is limited and one that has substantial numbers of solvency advocates and one that excludes Indians -- is this one:
The United States Supreme Court should substantially limit the plenary power of the Executive or Congress in one or more of the following areas of the law: immigration, foreign affairs, public lands.

I will try to be clear about why I think this resolution is faithful to the "Supreme Court overrule" topic in case I have not been in the past. Because the Supreme Court created the doctrine of plenary powers, for the Court to now limit those powers is PRECISELY the kind of overruling of Court precedent that the legal literature is talking about when it discusses "overrule." Plus, I don't understand why the plans under a plenary powers resolution would be any more about "overrule" than the plans I have given as examples for the "lists" topic above. A plan advocating a new fundamental right (and thereby overruling Casey) doesn't "overrule" precedent any more than a plan that limits the Executive or Congress's plenary powers -- in fact, it is probably less faithful to the "overrule" topic.

I think an areas resolution is superior because the Negative will at least know the direction the Aff must go. The Negative can still use all of its "overrule" evidence (though, as Josh Zive states in his comments, the hollow hope and other courts generics are not nearly as strategically beneficial as the case debates and PICs on a courts topic -- there just aren't a huge number of Negative authors discussing why overruling precedent, in itself is bad -- just ask anyone who has debated Korematsu or Bowers whether those strategies were ever successful -- i mean, "stare decisis good" is just not a great debate argument -- do you really want every round to be "CP - do the Aff but don't overrule a case, net benefit is stare decisis"????). Debates will still be about whether the Court should backtrack from a doctrine that it created. And the community will learn a ton about a key area or two of the law -- the area that is, in fact, THE legal hot topic in a post-9/11 world. I do think a first amendment resolution would be good as well, requiring the Court to overrule one of its first amendment precedents. At least in such a resolution, the area of the law is singular and well-defined. I think you could also solve some of the problem by adding in a directional limiting phrase (requiring the Aff to rule in a particular way and not just simply to "overrule" a case).

If you have questions about this, I'm happy to talk with the topic committee today - my work number is 305-579-4414. I'm not trying to scare anyone - I just have thought about it a lot (while watching the Mavs kick total ass last night) and felt obligated to share those thoughts...I love that the community is debating a legal topic and don't want it to be another 15 years until it happens again.

Peace.

Lindsay
 
Comments:
In the spirit of reopening the areas discussion, there are two concepts I’ve brought up involving 1st amendment issues by limiting with the freedom of religion clauses. The first is a simple restrictive “free exercise” area, the second is an education theme that would incorporate establishment clause. Below are some thoughts on the scope of such ideas as size has become an issue. This is rough as we had an internet snafu last night.


In the area of 1st amendment law related to religion, I agree with Tim and Jim Lyle’s analysis that “freedom of religion” as a whole is too unwieldy for an area. Establishment cases alone would feed into the TC’s concerns about the limits of the number of cases to research and predictable ground. (Tim cites around 70 cases on face as potentially However; I feel that a limitation of cases related to religious exercise may be viable. Obviously, Boerne would be one of the primary cases, and there is support for providing that option to the debate community. Such a topic could access Oregon v. Smith (and Native American rights, drug law, etc.) and the RFRA cases. The 1947 New Jersey Bus Case decision nationalizes both clauses of 1st amendment religious protection (Black’s articulation.)
.

One possible concern with a sub-section of the ‘Freedom of Religion’ is that these sub-areas overlap, as previously noted. With religious exercise, Tim’s concern about the lack of clear distinction in subcategories of religious freedom would actually facilitate neg research in the category of establishment clause, which creates a consistent neg strat/ research option.

On the most basic level, establishment is what balances the expansion of free exercise. (Chp 4, p.459), 1st amendment Law, ed. Sullivan and Gunther.
“The two clauses have given rise to separate bodies of case law. But this should not obscure the fact that the two bodies of law are interrelated. They protect overlapping values, but they often exert conflicting pressures. . . claims raise one of the tensions arising from the coexistence of the two religion clauses: If a state must grant an exemption because of the “free exercise” command, is it thereby granting a preference, to religion in violation of the “establishment” provision?”

Although in theory both clauses serve to support an individual freedom through different mechanisms, the tension is fairly consistent: (p.465)
“Some commentators have suggested that the two religion clauses can be harmonized by recognizing that “establishment” and “free exercise” serve a single value – protecting the individual’s freedom of religious belief and practices, with “free exercise” barring the curbing of that freedom through penalties and “establishment” barring inhibitions on individual choice that arise from governmental aid to religion. Yet viewing the clauses as protecting that single goal does not eliminate the potential tensions. If either the anti-penalties or anti-rewards theme is taken as an absolute, the competing theme will be unduly denigrated: if all penalties are barred, undue benefit to religion may result; if all benefits are barred, undue burdens on religion may be the consequence. Identifying a single “freedom” value, then does not eliminate the need for accommodation.”

Additionally, the area of free exercise is simply much smaller (and more recent) and has fairly obvious cases with implications that would supercede previous precedents. (Chp 4, p.459)

”The Court has held free exercise to require some religious exemptions from generally applicable laws, but has narrowed the scope of such compelled exemptions in recent cases. Congress sought to reverse that trend in by providing for statutory religious claims under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993.”

And, not only would this area have predictable limits, it has a predictable standard of advantage comparison. “Such laws are rare in contemporary society, the court has subjected them to the strictest scrutiny.” Also, as there would be a competing political interest in this scenario, there are potential election and politics links beyond the case debate. (Overruling Oregon v Smith would probably piss of some conservative groups, effect elections, , etc. . .)

Religious exercise would allow for impact debate related to issues of culture and prejudice post 2001 (as in the Freeman v. Florida circuit case), such as Boerne v. Florida. This would incorporate Oregon v. Smith and RFRA/RLUIPA related cases

One interesting issue of topicality, and area expansion, is the definition of “religion” itself. How is it “distinguished from secular moral or philosophical beliefs?” The question can also be extrapolated to the distinction between religious and secular non-governmental association? Where is the brightline? This has come up in draft exemption cases (US v. Seeger, 380US 163 – 1965, Welsh v. US 398 US 333 – 1970, Gillette v. US, 401 US 437 – 1971, etc.), and the term tends to be rather broadly defined by the court. However, in Gillette, Douglas’ dissent argues that many of these could be perceived more as thought/conscience issues, seen separately in the 1st amendment. US v Ballard, 322 US 78 (1944) indicates that the Courts primary motivation in definition is an issue of fraudulent use of the exemptions to establishment created by free exercise. I think it provides contextual literature for directing the limits of the topic while still providing aff flex as potentially overruling one of the previous precedents that creates such a distinction.

Free exercise, while overlapping in some ways with free speech, and being a possible subset of that area of the first amendment, is still unique from speech in that it is understood to include “not just belief or expression; it often implies conduct or action.” (p.467). In general, “free exercises cases . . . look first at the question whether government may deliberately disadvantage religion or a particular religion, and second at whether religious practitioners are entitled to exemptions from generally applicable laws that conflict with dictates of their faith.” The tension between allowing action for beliefs would probably be the theoretical heart of the issue (but its debate .. . so . . .). The other fundamental issue would be the courts concept of strict scrutiny. I also think this may be an interesting way of accessing some of Tim’s suggestions on the Nat Sec/1st amendment case area, as some cases have involved national security as the concern that took precedence. Goldman v. Weinberger, in which the US Court deferred to the military about yarmulke in the military, and other issues, would be an obvious choice, as would Hamdy.


The limit to this area as worded is the literature, as there are a limited number of cases, and historically the Court has ruled in the favor of expression (Kennedy seemed to like these a lot). Therefore, cases where expression has not been upheld usually imply a violation of establishment, or a superceding value/strict scrutiny. Typically, expression cases are seeking exemptions from a law, not necessarily to strike the law itself. In this regard, it limits the post case applications of new precedent, as it would not be removing laws in most cases that would possibly be reconstructed, but instead would create individual exemptions from laws. In Reynolds v US, 98 US 145 (1878), Chief Justice Waite writes that this is tempered by the view that there must be a limitation on SOME exemptions (human sacrifice, funeral immolation), “to permit this would be to make the professed doctrines of religious belief superior to the law of the land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a law unto himself. Government could exist only in name under such circumstance.”


Other potential case:
Braunfeld v. Brown, 366 US 599 (1961) – Court upheld Sunday closing laws not impediment to practice of Orthodox Jews, just makes more expensive (not as profitable).
[Warren plurality w/Black, Clark, Whittaker.]
Frankfurter and Harlan reject free exercise as premise in separate decision.
Brennan’s dissent based on putting “an individual to choice between his business and his religion.” The state’s interest was the “mere convenience of everyone having the same day of rest.” Stewart and Douglas also dissented.


Potential Resolutions:

The USSC should overrule one or more of its previous decisions on 1st Amendment freedom of religion to increase free exercise.


The USSC should overrule one of its previous decisions concerning the 1st amendment in the area of free exercise.


Other wording suggestions . . .
Overrule a previous limit on freedom of exercise
Rule to uphold first amendment case on grounds of freedom of exercise.





ESTABLISHMENT

Establishment clause may have more viability in relation to a school or education themed area, and could access issues related to vouchers and “intelligent design”. Therefore, an area topic focused around education could safely include this with school desegregation and affirmative action, and perhaps freedom of speech (which may overlap sufficiently with establishment issues.)

A brief history of education/establishment related cases from
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data/constitution/amendment01/03.html#f109,

Encouragement of Religion in Public Schools: Released time

Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 203, 209-10 (1948).
cases involved ''released time'' programs, the establishing of a period during which pupils in public schools were to be allowed, upon parental request, to receive religious instruction. In the first, the religious classes were conducted during regular school hours in the school building by outside teachers furnished by a religious council representing the various faiths, subject to the approval or supervision of the superintendent of schools. Attendance reports were kept and reported to the school authorities in the same way as for other classes, and pupils not attending the religious instruction classes were required to continue their regular studies. ''The operation of the State's compulsory education system thus assists and is integrated with the program of religious instruction carried on by separate religious sects. Pupils compelled by law to go to school for secular education are released in part from their legal duty upon the condition that they attend the religious classes. This is beyond all question a utilization of the tax-established and tax-supported public school system to aid religious groups to spread their faith. And it falls squarely under the ban of the First Amendment . . . .''107 The case was also noteworthy because of the Court's express rejection of the contention ''that historically the First Amendment was intended to forbid only government preference of one religion over another, not an impartial governmental assistance of all religions.''108

Zorach v. Clauson, 343 U.S. 306 (1952).
Court upheld it was okay to release students to leave school to go to a program in a religious facility.

The Court found the differences between this program and the program struck down in McCollum to be constitutionally significant. Unlike McCollum, where ''the classrooms were used for religious instruction and force of the public school was used to promote that instruction,'' religious instruction was conducted off school premises and ''the public schools do no more than accommodate their schedules.''110 We are a religious people whose institutions presuppose a Supreme Being,'' Justice Douglas wrote for the Court. ''When the state encourages religious instruction or cooperates with religious authorities by adjusting the schedule of public events to sectarian needs, it follows the best of our traditions. For it then respects the religious nature of our people and accommodates the public service to their spiritual needs.

Some guidance may be provided by Grand Rapids School District v. Ball, 473 U.S. 373 (1985), and Aguilar v. Felton, 473 U.S. 402 (1985), striking down programs using public school teachers for instruction of parochial school students in parochial school facilities, but these were 5-4 decisions and the Court's membership has since changed.

1985: In Wallace v. Jaffree,118 the Court held invalid an Alabama statute authorizing a 1-minute period of silence in all public schools ''for meditation or prayer.'' Because the only evidence in the record indicated that the words ''or prayer'' had been added to the existing statute by amendment for the sole purpose of returning voluntary prayer to the public schools, the Court found that the first prong of the Lemon test had been violated, i.e. that the statute was invalid as being entirely motivated by a purpose of advancing religion. The Court characterized the legislative intent to return prayer to the public schools as ''quite different from merely protecting every student's right to engage in voluntary prayer during an appropriate moment of silence during the schoolday,''119 and both Justices Powell and O'Connor in concurring opinions suggested that other state statutes authorizing moments of silence might pass constitutional muster.120
Justice O'Connor's concurring opinion is notable for its effort to synthesize and refine the Court's Establishment and Free Exercise tests (see also the Justice's concurring opinion in Lynch v. Donnelly), and Justice Rehnquist's dissent for its effort to redirect Establishment Clause analysis by abandoning the tripartite test, discarding any requirement that government be neutral between religion and ''irreligion,'' and confining the scope to a prohibition on establishing a national church or otherwise favoring one religious group over another.

1992:The school prayer decisions served as precedent for the Court's holding in Lee v. Weisman121 that a school-sponsored invocation at a high school commencement violated the Establishment Clause. The Court rebuffed a request to reexamine the Lemon test, finding ''[t]he government involvement with religious activity in this case [to be] pervasive, to the point of creating a state-sponsored and state-directed religious exercise in a public school.'' State officials not only determined that an invocation and benediction should be given, but also selected the religious participant and provided him with guidelines for the content of nonsectarian prayers. The Court, in an opinion by Justice Kennedy, viewed this state participation as coercive in the elementary and secondary school setting.122 The state ''in effect required participation in a religious exercise,'' since the option of not attending ''one of life's most significant occasions'' was no real choice. ''At a minimum,'' the Court concluded, the Establishment Clause ''guarantees that government may not coerce anyone to support or participate in religion or its exercise.''
1987: based on the term “creation”
Similarly invalidated as having the improper purpose of advancing religion was a Louisiana statute mandating balanced treatment of ''creation-science'' and ''evolution-science'' in the public schools. ''The preeminent purpose of the Louisiana legislature,'' the Court found in Edwards v. Aguillard, ''was clearly to advance the religious viewpoint that a supernatural being created humankind.''125 The Court viewed as a ''sham'' the stated purpose of protecting academic freedom, and concluded instead that the legislature's purpose was to narrow the science curriculum in order to discredit evolution ''by counterbalancing its teaching at every turn with the teaching of creation science.''126





ESTABLISHMENT AREAS LIMITED OUT FROM EDUCATION THEME

Access of Religious Groups to Public Property - not banned to religious groUps if secular also have access.
Governmental Encouragement of Religion in Public Schools: Curriculum Restriction.—

Governmental Encouragement of Religion in Public Schools: Prayers and Bible Reading

Financial Assistance to Church-Related Institutions
Upon that determination and upon the guarantees built into any program to assure that public aid is used exclusively for secular, neutral, and nonideological purposes rests the validity of public assistance.
The greater the necessity of policing the entity's use of public funds to ensure secular effect, the greater the danger of impermissible entanglement of government with religious matters. Any scheme that requires detailed and continuing oversight of the schools and that requires the entity to report to and justify itself to public authority has the potential for impermissible entanglement. 58 However, where the nature of the assistance is such that furthering of the religious mission is unlikely and the public oversight is concomitantly less intrusive, a review may be sustained. 59
Committee for Public Educ. & Religious Liberty v. Regan, 444 U.S. 646, 659 -61 (1980)
 
Post a Comment



<< Home
a blog dedicated to writing the ceda debate topic
TOPIC PAPERS
  • 2006 Supreme Court Interim - Galloway
  • 2006 "Overrule" - Smelko
  • 2004 SC Federalism - Galloway
  • 2003 Supreme Court - Galloway

  • 2006 Abortion - Lee
  • 2006 First Amendment - Patrice
  • 2006 Right-to-Die - Moore
  • 2006 Plenary Power - Harrison
  • 2006 Ripeness - Neal
  • 2006 Aff Action - Hall
  • 2006 Pres Powers via Courts - Stables
  • 2006 Updated War Powers - Stables
  • 2006 Morrison - Galloway
  • 2006 Milliken - Mancuso
  • 2006 Religious Freedom - T. O'Donnell
  • 2006 Strike Exec on 1A - Mahoney
  • 2006 1A vs. Ntl Sec Supp - Mahoney
  • 2006 1A vs. Ntl - Day 3 - Mahoney
  • 2006 Glucksberg - Helwich
  • 2006 Hudnut - Galloway
  • 2006 Gregg - Stables
  • 2006 Fundamental Rights - Vats
  • 2006 Terry Aff evidence - Bauschard
  • 2006 Terry Neg evidence - Bauschard
  • 2006 Terry Blocks - Bauschard
  • 2006 Terry Thoughts - Zive
  • 2006 Garcetti - O'Donnell
  • 2006 - Fundamental Rights - Vats
  • 2006 Case List Survey - Mancuso
  • 2006 Executive Authority - Stables
  • 2006 Detention - Bauschard
  • 2005 Immigration - Peterson
  • 2005 Democracy Promotion - Stables

  • TOPIC RESOURCES
  • Supreme Court Website
  • Guide to US Supreme Court Research
  • Supreme Court Rules
  • FindLaw: Cases and Codes
  • FindLaw: Special Coverage: War on Terrorism
  • Jurist: Legal News and Research
  • The Curiae Project/Yale: SC Records/Briefs
  • The Supreme Court Monitor
  • The Oyez Project: Multimedia
  • C-SPAN: Judiciary Resources
  • American Constitution Society Blogs
  • ACLU: Supreme Court Page
  • The Rutherford Institute

  • 2007-08 TOPICS
  • US Policy Toward Genocide
  • US Policy Toward Latin America
  • Global Poverty and Disease
  • Military/Troop Reforms
  • Latin America

  • TOPIC PROCESS
  • Topic Process Report 2006
  • CEDA Constitution

  • COMMITTEE MEMBERS
  • Gordon Stables, At-Large Rep, Chair
  • Darren Elliott, CEDA EC Rep
  • Ryan Galloway, At-Large Rep
  • Malcolm Gordon, Student Rep
  • Ed Lee, At-Large Rep
  • Steve Mancuso, NDT Rep,
  • Joe Patrice, CEDA EC Rep
  • Dave Steinberg, CEDA EC Rep
  • Kelly Young, ADA Rep


  • ARCHIVES
    2006-05-07 / 2006-05-14 / 2006-05-21 / 2006-05-28 / 2006-06-04 /


    Powered by Blogger